By Melissa Govender
If I had a cent for every time there was some incident involving corruption I would be as rich as Duduzane Zuma. Public comment on corruption has been nauseatingly predictable. Some comment that corruption is inherently an African problem; evident by Africa’s ageing presidents and their swelling bank accounts. Others argue that corruption is an intrinsic part of the “entitlement attitude” that permeates South Africa’s public sector. To claim that there is a culture of corruption is incorrect. Rather there is a culture of accepting corruption and mediocrity in South Africa. What objective and purpose does the endless vitriolic and venomous comments about corruption, have? Are emotive comments the best we can do?
There are mechanisms in place that encourage accountability, however those who have the capacity to use them, don’t. Allow me to qualify this statement: Firstly this article is aimed at the middle class. Those who furiously defend themselves as Proudly South African citizens, have a secure job, aspire to drive a top-of-the-range BMW/Merc and complain about tax. Yet despite having the ability to contribute (both economically and in their intellectual capacity) this group does not. Secondly, this argument is based on the premise that the government alone cannot solve all of South Africa’s problem. Most academics and policy analysts agree that a three-pronged approach which includes civil society, business and government, is the only viable solution for a poverty-free South Africa.
The law encourages public participation in all spheres of government. Let’s start at the first level of interaction with government: municipalities. According to the Municipal Systems Act (21A), municipalities must “make public the annual report and invite the local community to submit representations in connection with the annual report”. The Auditor General has done a sterling job in assessing municipalities and making recommendations, however very few citizens have taken the time to read these audits. One consistent finding in the Auditor General’s report is that most municipalities lack the financial capacity to complete their financial statements. The report stated that 83% of municipalities used consultants to assist with financial statements and municipalities have spent in excess of R200 million on consultants. Surely civil society has the ability to help municipalities with their financial skills developments. Or is spending exorbitant fees on consultants, often with little transfer of skills, an acceptable alternative?
Numerous studies have shown that public scrutiny can deter public servants from fraudulent behaviour. The use of citizens to effectively monitor elections is a global phenomenon. Similarly, if public participation in governance structures were to improve, it could only enhance service delivery. There are numerous case studies of the positive effects civil-society organisations have had in steering government toward the right solutions. There are organisations like the Centre for Social Accountability, which has successfully compelled the Eastern Cape department of housing to provide information relating to steps taken against government officials implicated in housing fraud. The TAC is another example of a civil-society organisation that forced the government to provide ARVs to all South Africans. In fact, the ANC’s retreat on the media tribunal issue, proves that if there is enough resistance toward an issue, then government can withdraw or change its policy.
The current situation in France demonstrates perfectly the power of an active and engaged civil society. The majority of French citizens (70% according to polls conducted) are unhappy with President Nicola’s Sarkozy’s decision to increase the age of retirement. Surprisingly though, all levels of French society have participated in the strike — from school children all the way to the pensioners who this reform will affect.
This article does not advocate that the solution to South Africa’s challenges involves, joining a civil-society organisation, en masse. Nor is it arguing that there should be a nationwide strike by all sectors of South African society. These would be simplistic and short-term solutions. Rather this article hopes to promote the adage of constructive criticism. Freedom of speech dictates that everyone has a right to view their opinion. So yes by all means complain about corruption and the lack of accountability in South Africa. But then attempt to propose a solution too. And while a solution is being considered, remember that South Africans have a constitutional right to interact, scrutinise and be truly involved with government. If South Africans chose to ignore this important component of democracy and instead only focus on elections as the epitome of democracy, then they need to acknowledge the role they play in undermining the very democracy, they fought so hard for.
Melissa Govender completed a master’s with the London School of Economics and escaped a career as a diplomat for a far worthier pursuit — development activism.
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